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HI'] OVATION TO MR. inLIilOBE. 



SPEECHES OF .MK. Fli.LAK )RE. 

The PrerfH of the Suae or New Voi-k has recorded the Uilliaut ovatiou ami 
triumphal progress homeward of Mr. Fillmore ; iVom the time he lauded iaNel 
York ,lhe reached Buflalo. the Empire State poured out itn thousand, and 
\?y f^l'^^i'VlV" ^velcon.e home its (avorite sou ; and from the mouth of £ 
llml^n to the Lake, never public man before had such a testimonial of re^afd 
affection and sympathy. Mr. Fillmore's speeches at the several pl.ir ts o? hiJ 
progress are among the noblest utterings of patriotism which ever fell from hu 
man lips. Ihcy betpoak a great and patriotic soul profoundly moved al the con 
templatioa of h,.. country . danger. There is an unmistakeable essence of sin- 
cerity in thera which makes U9 feel that the speaker's heart is poured out n his 

bosom that Millard Fillmore is a true man, a firm and fearless patriot a w^L 
.-ind conservative statesman, who loves his whole country, and scoriH all attemDts 
w gain an advantage for one section at the expense" of ju.9tice to any other 
there IS also, ui these speeches a noble and patriotic disregard of consequences 
personal to himaell. which commands the admiration of foes as well as fHend, 
.standing at Albany and Rochester, very hot bed.s of the sectionalism which en 
deavors to array one portion of the Union against the other, he exposed the de 
lorm.ty and appalling oonsequencea of that mad heresy, with a fearfulne=>3 and 
power which would have done honor to the immortal Clay, in the full vicor oi 
Dis genius and upon the mo=it raomontous occasions of his life. 



MR. FILLMORE IN NEWBURGH. 

Mi-^ Fillmore vvent up the North River, in the steamer Alida. and stoppinK e.x 
Newbmgh, Wai^hington's head quarters dnrin.- the Reyolntion, and beino- ?^arm)- 
welcomed, said — ^'-ujiun 

Fellow- Citizens of Newburgii : 

Accept my cordial thanks for this he.irtv greeting. My Iriend hn^ 
introduced me as the standard-bearer of the American party and -i 
fi-iend to the Union. For the former position I am indebted to the par 
tiahty of my friend.'?, who have without my soUcitation made me your 
.'itandard-bearer in the conte.st for President, which ha.s just commenced- 
but I confess to you that I am proud of the distinction, for f am an 
American, with an American heart. ( Cheers.) I confess, .also, I am a 
devoted and unalterable friend of the Union. As an American, occu- 
pying the position I do before my countrymen, I have no liostility to 
foreigners. I trust I am their friend. Having witnessed their deplora- 
ble condition in the old country, God forbid 1 .should add to their suf- 
ferings by refusing them an asylum in this. I would open wide the 
gates and invite the oppressed of every land to our happy country, ex- 
cluding only ihe pauper and criminal. I would be tolerant to men of 
II creeds, but would exact from all faithful allegiance to our republican 
institutions. But if any sect or denomination, ostensibly organized for 
religious purposes, should use that organization, or suffer it to be u^ed, 






for political objects, I would meet ii by political opposiiion. In rar 
view. Church and State sliould be separate, not only in form, but fact- 
religion and politics sliould not be mingled. 

While I did this I would, for the sake of those who seek an asylum 
on our shores, as well as for our own sake, declare as a general rule, 
that Americans should govern America . ( Great cheering. ) I regret to 
say that men who come fresh from the monarchies of the old worhl, are 
prepared neither by education, habits of thought, or knowledge of' our 
institutions, to govern Americans. The failure of every attempt to es- 
tablish free government in Europe, is demonstrative of this fjict; and if 
we value the blessings which Providence has so bounteously showered 
upon us, it becomes every American to stand by the constitution and 
laws of his country, and to resolve that, independent of all foreign influ- 
ence, Americans will and shall rule America. (Cheers.) 

I fed, fellow-citizens, that I need hardly allude to the importance of 
maintaining this Union. I see the national flag floating from yonder 
height which marks the consecrated spot of Washington's head-quarters. 
There was performed an act of moral heroism before which the bravesi 
deeds of Alexander pale, and with which the greatest archievementsof 
Bonaparte are not to be compared. Tt was there, on that sacred spot, 
now shaded by the flag of a free republic, that Washington refused a 
crown . ( Cheers. ) It was there that the officers of the army, after our 
independence had been achieved, made him the offer of a crown, which 
he indignantly spurned. I am sure I need not urge upon you who live 
near this halloived spot, and in sight of that flag, the duty of observino- 
in all your actions, the farewell advice of the Father of his Country^ 
"that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment 
^Z ^'l? Un?on ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of 
the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity ; watching for its 
preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever m^y suo- 
gest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned ; and indio- 
nantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any 
portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which 
now link together the various parts." Again 1 thank you most sin- 
cei-ely for this unexpected and hearty welcome to my native State. 
(Cheers.) " '' 



MR. FILLMORE IN ALBANY 



Immense crowds pouring out in the Capitol of the State, and the Mayor ttcI- 
coraing, Mr. Fillraore replied— 

Mil. Mayor and Fellow- Citizens : 

This overwhelming demonstration of congratulation and welcome al- 
most deprives me of the power of speech. Here, nearly thirty years 
ago I commenced my political career. In this building I first saw a 
legislative body in session (cheers) ; but at that lime it never entered 
into the aspirations of my lieart that I ever sliould receive such a wel- 
come as this in the capital of my native State. (Cheers.) 



You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former services and my 
probable course if I should again be called to the position of Chief 
Magistrate of the nation. (Applause. ) It is not pleasant to speak of 
one's self, yet I trust that the occasion will justify me in briefly alluding 
to one or two events connected with my administration. (Cheers.) 
You all know that when I was called to the executive chair by a be- 
reavement which shrouded the nation in mourning, that the country 
Avas unfurlunatelv agitated from one end to the other upon the all-ex- 
citing subject of slavery. It was then, sir. that I felt it my duty to 
rise above every sectional prejudice, and look to the welfare of the 
whole nation. (Applause.) I was compelled, to a certain extent, 
to overcome long-cherished prejudices, and disregard party claims. 
(Great and prolonged applause.) But in doing this, sir, I did no 
more than was done by many abler and better men than myself. I 
was by no means the sole instrument, under Providence, in harmonizing 
those diflicuities. (Applause.) There were at that time noble, in- 
dependent, high-souled men in both houses of Congress, belonging to 
both the great political parties of the country — Whigs and Democrats 
—who spurned the dictation of selfish party leaders, and rallied around 
my administration, in support of the great measures which restored 
peace to an agitated and distracted country. (Cheers,) Some of 
these have gone to their eternal rest, with the blessings of their coun- 
try on their heads ; but others yet survive, deserving the benediction 
and honors of a grateful people. By the blessing of Divine Provi- 
dence, our efforts were crowned with signal success (cheers) ; and 
when I left the presidential chair, the whole nation was prosperous 
and contented, and our relations with all forfeign nations were of the 
most amicable kind. (Cheers.) The cloud that had hung upon the 
horizon was dissipated. But where are we now? Alas ! threatened 
at home with civil war, and from abroad with a rupture of our peace- 
ful relations. I shall not seek to trace the causes of this change. 
These are the facts, and it is for you to ponder upon them. Of the 
present administration I have nothing to say, for I know and can ap- 
preciate the difficulties of administering this government ; and if the 
present executive and his supporters have with good intentions and 
honest hearts made a mistake, I hope God may forgive them, as I 
freely do. (Loud and prolonged applause.) But if there be those 
who have brought these calamities upon the country for selfish or am- 
bitious objects, it is your duty, fellow-citizens, to hold them to a strict 
responsibility. (Cheers.) 

The agitation which disturbed the peace of the country in 1850, was 
unavoidable. It was brought upon us by the acquisition of new terri- 
tory, for the government of which it was necessary to provide territo- 
rial organizations. But it is for you to say whether the present agita- 
tion Avhich distracts the country and threatens us with civil war, has 
not been recklessly and wantonly produced by the adoption of a meas- 
ure to aid in personal advancement rather than in any public good. 
(Cheers.) 

Sir, you have been pleased to ."iay that I have the union of these 
States at heart. This, sir, is most true ; for if there be one object 
dearer to me than any other, it is tlie unity, prosperity, and glory of 
this great republic ; and T. confess &-ankly, sir, that T fear it is in dan- 



ger. I say nothing of any particular bection, much less of the several 
candidates before the people. 1 presume they are all honorable men, 
But, sir, what do we sec? An exasperated feeling between the North 
and the South, on the most exciting- of all topics, resulting in blood- 
shed and organized military array. 

}3ut this is not all, sir. Wc see a political party presenting- candi- 
dates for the Pi-esidency and Vice Presidency, selected for tne first 
time from the free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing 
these candidates by suflrages of one part of the Union only, to rule 
over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those" who are 
engaged in such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the con- 
sequences which must inevitably follow in case of success? (Cheers.) 
Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern 
brethren would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate? 
(Cheers.) Would he be leijuired to follow the same rule prescribed 
by those w'ho elected him, in making his appointments? If a man 
living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be Pres-ident 
or Vice President, Avould it be proper to select one from the same 
quarter as one of his cabinet-counsel, or to represent the nation in a 
foreign country? or, indeed, to collect the revenue, or administer the 
laws of (he United States? If not. what new rule is the President to 
adopt in selecting men for office, that the people themselves discard 
in selecting him? These arc serious but practical questions ; and in 
order to appreciate them fully, it is only necessary to turn the tables 
upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, having a majority of the 
electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slaveholders 
for President and Vice President, and should elect .such by their ex- 
clusive suffrages to rule over us at the North. Do you think we would 
submit to it? No, not for a moment. (Applause.) And do you be- 
lieve that your Southern brethern arc less sensitive on this subject 
than you are, or less jealous of their rights? (Tremendous cheering. ) 
If you do, let me tell 3'ou thai you are mistaken. And, therefore, you 
must see that if this sectional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the 
destruction of this beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, cemented 
by their blood, and bequeated to us as a priceless inheritance. 

I tell you, my friends, that I feel deeply, and therefore I speak ear- 
nestly on this subject, (cries of "You're right!") for I feel that you 
are in danger. I am determined to make a clean breast of it. I will 
wash my hands of the consequences, whatever they may be ; and I 
(ell you that we are treading upon the brink of a volcano, that is liable 
at any moment to burst forth and overwhelm the nation. I might, by 
soft words, inspire delusive hopes, and thereby win voters. But I can 
never consent to be one thing to the North and another to the South. 
I should despise myself, if 1 could be guilty of such duplicity. For 
my conscience would exclaim, with the dramatic poet, 

** * * "Is there not some chosen curec, 
Some hidden thunder in the stores of heaven, 
Red witli uncommon ^vralh, to blast the man 
W))o owes his grcatnetss to his country's ruiu?'" 

In the language of the lamented, but immortal Clay : "1 had rather 
be right than be President !" 

It seems to )ne impossible that those engaged in this «an have con- 



templated the awful consequcnceo of oucct^o. If it break j iiLJunder 
the bonds of our Union, and spreads anarchy and civil war throurrhout 
the land, what is it less than moral treason? (Cries of "Nothfng — 
nothing less !") Law and common sense liold a man responsible for 
the natural consequence of his acts, and must not those whose acts 
tend to the destruction of the government, heeiiually held resnonsihle? 
(Cries of "Yes! yes!"} 

And let me iilso add, that when this Union is dissolved, it will ii>)t 
be divided into two lepublics, or two monarchies, but broken into frag- 
ments, and at war with each other. (Sensation.) 

But, fellow-citizens, I have, perhaps, snid all that was necessary on 
this subject (cries of "Go on ! go on !") ; and I turn with pleasure 
to a less important but more agreeable toi)ic. IthaB been my fortune 
during my travels in Europe, t(i witness the recej)tion of royalty, in 
all the pomp and splendor of military array, where the music was 
given to order, and the cheers at the word of commend. Hut for my- 
.«elf, 1 prize the honest, spontaneous Ihrob (great cheering) of alfer 
tion with which you have welcomed me back to my native Slate (rr 
newed cheering,) above all the pageants which loyalty can display. 
(Cheers.) Therefore, with a liearf nvcrfloAving with grateful emo- 
tions, I return you a thousand thanks, ;uul bid you adieu. 



MR. FILLMORE IN ROCHESTER. 

After returning his thanks for the manner in which he had been re- 
reived, and for the flattering terms in which the chairman had been 
pleased to speak of his administration, Mr. Fillmore said that he had 
no reason to disguise his sentiments on the subject of the repeal of the 
Missouri Compromise, which seemed to be the chief source of the un- 
fortunate agitation that now disturbed the peace of the country. Hp 
said that it would be recollected, that when he came into the adminis- 
tration, the country was agitated from centre to circumference with the 
exciting subject of slavery. This question was then forced upon the 
country by the acquisition of new territory ; and he feared that the 
eloquent address of the chairman had given him more credit for the 
.'ettlement of that question than he was entitled to — not more, however, 
than he Avould have deserved, had his power equalled his desires. 
But the truth was, that many noble patriots, Whigs and Democrats, 
in both Houses of Congress, rallied around and sustained the Admin- 
istration in that trying time, and to them was chiefly due the merit of 
settling that exciting controversy. Those measures, usually called 
the Compromise Measures of 1860, were not in all respects what I 
could have desired, but they were the best that could be obtained, 
after a protracted discussion, that shook the Republic to its very foun- 
dation, and I felt bound to give them my official approval. Not only 
this, but perceiving there was a disposition to renew the agitation at 
the next session, I took the responsibility of declaring, in substance, 
in my annual message, that I regarded these measures as a "tinal set- 



G 

tlement of this (juesdon, and that the hiws thus passed ought to be 
maintained until lime and experience should demonstrate the necessity 
of moditication or repeal." 

1 then thought that this exciting subject was at rest, and that there 
would be no further occasion to introduce it into the legislation of 
Congress. Territorial governments had been provided lor all the 
territory except that covered by the Missouri Compromise, and 1 had 
no suspicion that that was to be disturbed. I have no hesitation in 
saying, what most of you know already, that I was decidedly opposed 
to the repeal of that Compromise. Good faith, as Avell as the peice 
of the country, seemed to require, that a compromise which had 
stood for more than thirty years, should not be wantonly disturbed. 
These were my sentiments then, fully and freely expressed, verbally 
and in writing, to all my friends, North and South, who solicited my 
opinion. This repeal seems to have been a Pandora's box, out of 
which have issued all the political evils that now afflict the country, 
scarcely leaving a hope behind, and many, I perceive, are ready to 
impute all the blame to our Southern brethren. But is this just? 
(No, no.) It must be borne in mind that this measure originated with 
a Northern Senator, and was sustained and sanctioned by a Northern 
President. I do not recollect that even a single petition from a South- 
ern State solicited this repeal. And it must be remembered that when 
n, Northern administration, with large numbers of Northern senators 
and Northern members, offered the Southern States a boon, Southern 
members of Congress could not, if they would, safely refuse it. To 
refuse what seemed a boon, would have been to sacrifice themselves, 
and this is certainly expecting too much from political men in times 
like these. The blame, therefore, it appears to me, with all due defer- 
ence, is chiefly chargable to those who originated this measure; and 
however we may deplore the act, it affords no just ground for contro- 
versy with our Southern brethren — certainly none for which they 
sh.ould be deprived of their political rights. But we now see a party 
organized in the North, and for the first time selecting its candidates 
exclusively from the Northern States, with the avowed intention of 
electing them to govern the South as well as the North. By Avhat 
rule is a President, thus elected, to select a cabinet council, his for- 
eign ministers, judges, and administrative officers ? Are they also to 
be selected exclusively from the North, or may you take a cabinet of- 
ficer from the South, though you cannot a President or a Vice-Presi- 
dent": These, in practice, fls I have said on another occasion, must 
become embarrassing (juestiohs. The North is, beyond all question, 
the most populous, the most wealthy, and has the most votes, and 
therefore has the power to inflict this injustice upon the South. But 
we can best judge of its consequences by reversing the case. Sup- 
pose that the South was the most populous, the most Avealthy, and pos- 
sessed the greatest number of electoral votes, and that it should de- 
clare, that for some fancied or real injustice done at the North, it 
would elect none but a President and Vice-President of slaveholders 
from the South to rule over the North. Do you think, fellow-citizens, 
you would submit to this injustice? (No, no.) No, truly, you would 
not ; but one universal cry of NO would rend the skies! And can yon 
suppose your Southern brethren less sensitive than yourselves, or less 



jealous ot their nghtsV It you do, let me tell you that you arc mis 
taken; and you must therefore perceive tliat the success of such a par- 
ty, with sucli an object, must be the dissolution of tliis glorious Union. 
I am imwilling to believe tliat those who are engaged in this strife can 
forsee the consequences of their own acts. Why shoidd not the gold 
en rule, which our Saviour has prescribed for our intercourse with each 
other, be applied to the intercourse between these fraternal States? 
Let us do unto them as we would that they should do unto us in like 
circumstances. They are our brethren; they are our friends; and we 
are all embarked in the same ship, and if she founders in consequence • 
of the mismanagement of the crew, wo must all go down together; 
this Union must be torn asunder; this beautiful fabric, reared by the 
hands of our ancestors, must be scattered in fragments, and the peo- 
ple, in the language of the eloquent address of your chaircian, be 
converted into a nation of Ishmaelites. I cannot contemplate such a 
scene without horror, and I turn from it with loathing and disgust. 

I fear that your chairman anticipates too much when he supposes it 
would be in my power, if elected to the Presidency, to restore harmo- 
ny to the country. All I can say is, that in such an event I should 
be willing to make every sacrifice, personal and political, to attain so 
desirable an object. But I can never consent to be the President of 
one portion of this nation as against the other. I can give no pledge 
for the future that is not found in my past conduct._ If you wisb a 
Chief Magistrate to administer the Constitution and Laws impartially 
in every part of the Union, giving to every State and everj^ Territory, 
and every citizen, his just due, without fear or favor, then you may 
cast your votes for me, I repeat here, what I lif€^ve said elsewhere, 
that if there be those at the North who w^ant a President to rule the 
South — if there be those at the South who want a President who will 
rule the North — I do not want their votes. T can ne^er represent 
them. I stand upon the broad platform off the Constitution and the 
Laws. If I should be called upon to admmister the government, the 
Constitution and Laws of the country shal^be execut^ at ev^y haz- 
ard and at every cost. * . » • 



^ 



AMERICAN PLATFORM. 



1st. All humble acknowledgment to the Supreme Being who rules the universe, 
/or his protecting care vouchsafed to our fathers in their Revolutionaiv struggle, 
and hitherto manifested to us, their descendants, in the preservation of the liber- 
ties, the independence, and the union of these States. 

2d. The perpetuation of the Federal Union, as the palladium of our civil and 
religious liberties, and the only sure bulwark of American independence. 

3d. Americans must rule America, and to this end, nuftue-born citizens should be 
selected for all State, Federal, and municipal ofHces or government employment, 
in preference to naturalized citizens, nevertheless; 




011 898 423 7 



-Itli. Persons born of Ameriean parouta residing temporarily abroad, should he 
'Utitled to all the rights of native born citizens ; but 

5th. No person should be selected for political station, (whether of native or 
foreign birth,) who recognizes any allegiance or obligation of any description to 
any foreign prince, potentate, or power, or who refuses to recognize the Federal 
anil State constitutions (each within its sphere) as paramount to all other laws, as 
rules of political action. 

Gtli. The unqualilied rccoguilion and maintenance of the reserved rights of thi- 
several States, and the cultivation of harmony and fraternal good will, between 
the citizens of the several States, and to this end, non interference by Congress 
with questions appertaining solely to the individual States, and nonintervention 
by each State with the affairs of any other State. 

»7th. The recognition of the right of the native-born and naturalized citizens of 
the United States, pernumently residing in any Territory thereof, to frame their 
constitution and laws, and to regulate their domestic and social affairs in their 
own mode, subject only to the provisions of the Federal Constitution, with the 
right of#i\dmission into the Union whenever they have the requisite population 
for one Representative in Congress. Prodded, alicays, That none but those who 
are citizens of the United States, under the constitution and laws thereof, and 
who have a fixed residence in any such Territory, ought to participate in the for 
mation of the constitution, or in the enactment of laws for said Territory or State. 

8th. An enforcement of the principle that no State or Territory can admit 
others than native-born citizens to the right of suffrage, or of holding political 
office, unless such persons shall have been naturalized according to the laws of 
the United States. 

yth. A change in the laws of naturalization, making a continued residence of 
Lwenty-ono years, of all not heretofore provided for, an indispensable requisite 
.*;• citizenship hereafter, and excluding all paupers, and persons convicted of 
crime, from landing upon our shores ; but no interference with the vested rights 
of foreigners. 

10th. Opposition to any union between church and state : no interference with 
leligious/ailh, or worship, and no test oaths for office, o.xcept those indicated in 
the 5th section of ihisjflatform. 

.nth. Freehand thoi^igh investigation into any and all alleged abuses of public 
liinctiouaries, and a' strict economy in public expenditures. 

12th. The maintenance and enforcement of all laws until said laws flhal! be re 
[.ealed, or shalpHje declared null and void by competent judicial authority. 

Kith. Oppo^con ^tb the reicless and unwise policy of the present administra- 



Lidh In the general^nanagenreut of our national affairs, and more especially as 
shown in removing "Americans" (by designation) and conservative in principles, 
from oS!be, and fflacing foreigmrs and ultraists in their places; as shown in a truck- 
ling subserviency toyihp stroi^er, and an insolent and cowardly bravado toward.^ 
the weaker powers ; as shown in re opening sectional agitation, bv the repeal of 
ihe Missouri compromise ; as shown in granting to unnaturalized foreigners the 
right to suffrage in Kansas and Nebraska ; as shown in its vacillating course on 
the Kansas and Ne^fttSka question ; as shown in the removal of Judge Bronaon 
Irom the CoUectorshjp,^ Ne\*|forkupon false and untenable grounds ; .as shown 
in the corruptions' which perr^fc some of the departments of the government ; 
:i3 shown in disgracing meiiflBous naval officers through prejudice or caprice i 
lUid as shown in the blunderiiig i^MRanagement of our foreign relations. 

/14th. Therefore, to rt?taiedy existing evils, and prevent disastrous consequencetJ 
otherwi39 resulting therefrom, we would build up the "American party" upon the 
principles hereinbefore stated, eschewitig all sectional questions, and uniting upon 
those purely national, and admitting into said party all American citizens, (re- 
ferred to /in the ^/d, 4tli and r)th sections,) who openly avow the principles and 
(-•pinions heretofore expressed, and who will subscribe their names to this platform. 
Provided, vecertheless. That a majority of these members present at any meeting 
of a local council where an applicant applies for membership in the American 
party may' for any reason by them deemed sufficient, deny admission to such ap- 
plicant. 

15th. A free and open discussion of all political principles embraced in our 
platform 



ii I iliilllm 111 111 111 ill llliliillli 
011 898 423 7 



HOLLINGER 
pH 8.5 

MILL RUN F3-1543 



